| The struggle for justice in Palestine requires the determined effort and cooperation of all people of good will. As the Israeli system of apartheid becomes more entrenched and openly recognized, Israel has enforced a system of Hafrada (“separation”), of physically separating Arabs from Jews. Using the Apartheid Wall and other physical barriers, as well as a legal regime of regulations and permits, Palestinian Arabs are prevented from interacting with Israeli Jews except as subjects and victims of the apartheid system. Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza cannot enter Israel, or even the Jewish-only settlements in the West Bank, except through special work permits. Meanwhile, Israelis are warned not to enter Palestinian areas (Area A) under penalty of criminal prosecution. This is usually enough to deter most Israeli liberals from even attempting to meet with Palestinians let alone join their anti-occupation struggle, leaving Palestinians alone to stand against the Jewish settlers and Israeli army. Israelis opposed to this evil system have often complained that in addition to the obstacles mentioned above, there is an even greater obstacle in that Palestinians are not always eager to cooperate with liberal Israelis, as they fear that such cooperation will be misunderstood as “normalization.” This creates a serious dilemma and an obstacle to cooperation. Before the Oslo process and the creation of the Palestinian Authority, joint Jewish-Arab activities to fight racism and the occupation were much more common. Since then, many Israeli liberals have been reluctant to come to the West Bank and join in anti-occupation activities there. The view is that “they are there, and we are here” and that Palestinians should be left to develop their own state alone. In practice, however, Palestinians have been left largely on their own to continue the struggle. Some brave Israeli organizations like the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions, Breaking the Silence, and the Bereaved Parents Circle continued to come to the occupied territories and join with Palestinians in confronting the occupation and apartheid, but most Jewish Israeli liberals concentrated on the need to fight fascism inside Israel, on trying to regain power in the Knesset, and on keeping alive the mirage of a possible two-state solution. At the same time, Palestinians became far more sensitive to how joint Jewish-Arab activities have been used to “normalize” the status quo, blunting the anti-colonial and anti-Zionist message. Many well-meaning activities sought to bring Jews and Arabs together under highly controlled conditions, apparently with the aim of promoting coexistence, without truly addressing or challenging the underlying injustice. This was seen as normalizing, a situation that was totally intolerable and unacceptable. Furthermore, the BDS movement, which FOSNA supports, sought to use the nonviolent tool of boycotts not only against Israeli products and settlement activities but also called for boycotts of Israeli individuals, institutions, and organizations that were deemed to be “normalizing” the status quo, only seeking cosmetic or minimal improvements without radically challenging the unjust system itself. Some Palestinians established a metric for determining which Israelis would be appropriate or not to work with, those with whom cooperating would not be seen as “normalization.” Israeli interlocutors were often asked to support the three principles of BDS: the end of the occupation, the right of return, and equality for Arabs in Israel before they were considered “legitimate partners” for joint activities. For many Palestinians, however, it became easier to avoid any cooperation with Israelis or Zionists altogether rather than risk being labeled as “normalizers.” The Palestinian Authority itself, while busily cooperating with Israeli security forces, also engaged in similar rhetoric denouncing civil society members who sought cooperation with Israelis as “normalizers.” For most Palestinian activists it was easier to avoid all contact with Israelis than to actively seek joint activities against the occupation and the settlements. In a real way, just as the “peace process” gave peace itself a bad name, so the close security cooperation between the PA administration and the occupation forces made any cooperation between Israeli and Palestinian activists harder and more suspect. With the collapse for the two-state solution, however, I believe it is now imperative to reassess this position. Normalization remains very much a threat and a danger, and boycotting suspect activities continues to be an effective tool to deny legitimacy and credibility to persons and institutions that perpetuate the occupation and its unjust structures. But, new language and tools should be used to distinguish between legitimate joint activities that seek to carry out co-resistance, together with the Palestinians, rather than seeking coexistence which fails to challenge the unacceptable status quo. It also means finding ways to coresist together with those who may not be totally in agreement with us, but who oppose certain aspects of the apartheid regime, while we still find ways to challenge them on their own complicity within the larger picture of oppressing Palestinians. Years before “normalization” created such a dilemma for activists, I wrote an article called “The Pitfalls of Dialogue” on the risks involved in a dialogue with the Israelis and how such dialogue often assumes a false symmetry, becomes a substitute for action, and/or affirms the assumptions of the oppressive status quo. It continues to read true today. Yet, I am increasingly of the opinion that peace in Palestine/Israel will necessarily involve the coexistence and common life of Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs, and that our fate is to live and exist together in the same land on the basis of equality and dignity. To achieve this, we must find a way to struggle together against a system of apartheid and of Jewish supremacy. We do this together by challenging all aspects of the system that denies equality and dignity to all the inhabitants of the land. Just as the struggle in South Africa was not of Black and nonwhite people against Whites, but of Black, White and all others acting together against apartheid and White supremacy, so also in Palestine/Israel, the struggle must be against apartheid and Jewish supremacy, and we need our Jewish brothers and sisters in this struggle, as only such a struggle will bring freedom, democracy, and security to all. |
