By Jonathan Kuttab
It seems the announcement by Netanyahu that he is “pausing” the “Judicial reforms,” in order to give a chance for talks and negotiations, is hardly the end of the crisis that has rocked Israeli society to the core and brought hundreds of thousands into the streets to protest.
For one thing, Netanyahu made it clear that he is only “pausing” the reform process to avoid civil war, and he is determined to push through the changes he needs one way or another. The tectonic changes within Israeli society that led to the formation of the current Israeli government have not been addressed at all. Yet, as I said in a previous article, the results of the recent elections were predictable, inevitable, and irreversible.
More worrying is the difficulty Netanyahu faced in even arriving at such a temporary “pause.” In order to prevent the government from collapsing, under the threat of resignation by Itamar Ben Gvir, Netanyahu agreed to Ben Gvir’s demand for the creation of a private militia under his direct control.
The creation of this private militia has long been a goal for Ben Gvir, and his desire for it only grew after being told that his position as Minister of Police was not enough. He was specifically informed that the Minister of Police only sets policy and must leave the actual implementation of policies to the police.
Ben-Gvir was actually rebuffed when he attempted to order the police in Tel Aviv to take harsher measures against demonstrators, when he tried to get them to shoot at Palestinians in Sheikh Jarrah, and when he ordered the closure of neighborhoods in East Jerusalem.
The prospect of directly channeling vast amounts and resources to thugs and violent settlers, granting them official sanction and authority is truly frightening. For many years, these elements have enjoyed the tacit support of the army and its complicity. To grant them now direct authority is frightening not only for Palestinians but for the army and the police authorities themselves, who have often viewed Ben Gvir as a convicted terrorist, inciter to violence, and a problematic agitator who creates headaches for them. He was rejected for army service, convicted for terrorism and incitement. He was a politician who has built a reputation for openly calling for near-genocidal practices. He famously went to Sheikh Jarrah, promising a Second Nakba (referring to the ethnic cleansing of 1948) while waving his pistol around. He promised greater violence once he joined the government. It was bad enough that he became Minister of Police and his equally dangerous colleague Bezalel Smotrich was given control over COGAT with direct responsibility for security in the West Bank, but now Ben Gvir is being given his own militia with direct operational authority over its members. Smotrich publicly stated that the recent pogrom at Huwara, and even erasing it (employing a biblical phrase), should have been done not by private citizens but by the government itself. Maybe he had Ben Gvir’s militia in mind.
Some Israeli protestors are reportedly afraid that this new militia may be used against them in a future civil war scenario, and they have not been mollified by Ben-Gvir’s assurances that the new force will only be used against Arabs. The protesters are still missing the main point, however, which is that there can be no true democracy without addressing the issue of equality. The gradual slide into open fascism, which scares them, is an inevitable consequence of the policies of Jewish supremacy pursued by government leaders of both Zionist camps (the so-called Left Block and Right Block). There can be no return to an Israel that is Jewish and democratic, because such an Israel has never existed for its non-Jewish citizens or for the rest of the Palestinian population under its control.
The desire for a constitution, checks and balances, guarantees for the rights of the individual and minorities from the oppressive actions of an electoral majority are all ideas which have become central in the current protests. They are essential elements in any democracy. To think that the protesters can obtain these benefits without sharing them with Palestinians is a foolish mirage. Even in their own interest, they cannot successfully fight off fascism without bringing along Arab allies, who bring their own concerns, fears, and, yes, even their flag. If however, the protesters insist on closing their eyes and seeking a solution that serves Jews only, they are bound to fail.
This is a difficult conversation for Israeli Jews, who have so far tried to keep Palestinian flags and concerns out of their demonstrations against Netanyahu and his extremist government. It is a position that is bound to fail for practical reasons, not only because it lacks morality and ethics. The biblical exhortation known to Christians as the Golden Rule has long been central to Jewish ethics, even before Christ. To remind Israelis of it now may be profoundly revolutionary, as it seems to threaten the very foundations of an exclusivist ideology that is at the root of Zionism and the state of Israel. But this has always been the role of the prophet: to speak truth to those in power. In the world of today, this means Zionist Israelis and those who support an ideology based on the domination and oppression of others. Failing to follow an ethical path leads sooner or later to disaster.
Perhaps it is not too late for Jewish Israelis, who have shown great passion and tenacity in fighting Netanyahu, to recognize this truth and open themselves to new realities that include all the Palestinians living with them in the same land. Those who care about Israel in this country must also find a way to transmit that same message. There can be no democracy without equality. There can be no democracy with apartheid and occupation.